PDF《The function of DE in Chinese RCs》

The function of DE in Chinese RCs Zanhui Huang Department of Chinese and Bilingual Studies, Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hunghom, Hong Kong zane00@sohu.

com Abstract. De in Chinese relative clauses is commonly analyzed as a complementizer signifying a relative clause. In this paper we argue that De has two roles in RCs. Besides being a relativization marker, which is its basic function, De can also mark the realis state of the event expressed by the RC. Being a realis state marker, De needs to bind an event variable, which can be supplied by the VP in the RC. When some other operator in RCs competes with De for such an event variable, the variable will first go into that operator'

s interpretation and De thus fails to bind an event variable. In such a case, the RC cannot express a realis event unless Le or Guo occurs. Keywords: De, relative clause, event variable, realis

1 Introduction In Chinese, relative clauses cannot be connected with their head NP without De, as exemplified by (1). The nature of De has been fully discussed in recent literature ([6], among others). Usually we treat De as a complimentizer signifying a relative clause, which is its basic function. One phenomenon concerning RCs which has not been discussed is that when the event expressed in the RC is a past one, the verb needs no perfective particles or time adverbs that should be used in main clauses to denote past events, as (2) and (3) show. (1) *这是我在北京 买 (的) 裙子. (2) 我吃了馒头. this is I in Beijing buy (De) skirt I eat Le mantou '

This is the skirt that I bought in Beijing.'

'

I ate some mantou'

(3) a. 我们 吃的是馒头. b. 赢 日本 队的是澳大利亚 队. we eat De is mantou win Japanese team De is Australian team '

What we ate is maotou.'

'

The team who won Japanese team is Australian team'

Another phenomenon pertaining to RCs that is interesting and also has not been noticed is that the past state will not be kept when some adverbs such as Dou, Zong, Hai and Zhi occur in a RC where bare verbs can denote past events. Sometimes the sentences even become unacceptable with these adverbs. In such cases perfective particles need to be used to express the past event. Compare the following (a)s and (b)s, we can see that (a) sentences, which are without Le or Guo, are either odd (4a) or acceptable but has nothing to do with past events (5a, 6a, 7a). (4) a.?我们 都吃的是馒头. b. 我们 都吃过的是馒头. we all eat De is mantou we all eat Guo De is mantou '

The food all of us had eaten is mantou.'

(5) a. 总找(*了/过) 他的是他女朋友. always call on (Le/Guo) him De is his girl friend '

The person who always call on him is his girl friend.'

(6) a. (不仅 看法文电影,) 还 看英文电影 的是李四. (not only watch French films,) but also watch English films De is Lisi. b. (不仅 看了法文 电影,) 还看了英文 电影 的是李四. (not only watch Le French films,) but also watch Le English films De is Lisi. '

The person who not only watched French films, but watched English films is Lisi.'

(7) a. 只看英文 电影 的是李四. b. 只看了英文 电影 的是李四. only watch English film De is Lisi only watch Le English film De is Lisi '

The person who only watches English films is Lisi.'

Based on the above data, we argue in this paper that De in Chinese RC has two functions: being a relativization marker and being a realis state marker. Since De is an obligatory part of the RC structure, marking relativization is its basic function. De can also mark the realis state of an event and, as a realis state marker, De needs to bind an event variable supplied by the VP in the RC. Whether such an variable is available or not decides the (ir)realis look of the RC. That is why some adverbial operators occurring in RC can block the realis state interpretation of the RC.